‘With the President’s allies in both houses under constant threat, his declaration of war against corrupt allies could be a political firestorm a-brewing.’
IN a bold move that borders on courageous, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has effectively declared war on allies who are involved in corrupting the country’s flood control projects.
This declaration, a clear follow-through to his freebie-loaded State of the Nation Address (SONA), could have dire consequences.
Prior to his India trip, Marcos issued a stern warning that allies found to be involved in siphoning off funds from flood control projects would no longer be considered his allies.
He said he has a list of names but for now, it is limited only to contractors responsible for the subpar work that fueled the heist.
On the surface, the tough rhetoric is a timely response to a perennial problem that has seen billions of pesos disappear while communities remain submerged in floodwaters.
The government, in over a decade, has poured at least P2 trillion in flood control programs to keep communities dry.
Studies estimate that 10 to 30 percent of government funds for infrastructure projects are lost to corruption.
The three storms that left a trail of destruction last month exposed a well-funded problem that has never been solved.
Thus, the President’s impassioned plea in his SONA — “Mahiya naman kayo!” — resonated with a public disgusted with corruption and disaster.
But his pronouncements, while politically popular, may have put his government in grave jeopardy. If, as widely suspected, some senators and congressmen are implicated in this multi-billion flood-control scandal, President Marcos could be risking his political capital in both houses.
An overwhelming majority of 269 congressmen elected his cousin, Rep. Martin Romualdez, as speaker, while 19 senators of 24 voted to retain Sen. Francis Escudero as Senate president.
If a massive purging were to occur — a scenario where a substantial number of these “allies” are alienated — the President could find himself facing his first impeachment case from the very people he has threatened to punish.
Impeachment is a powerful weapon bestowed upon Congress. Lawmakers and their patrons, who feel targeted and humiliated, are likely to use it.
Even before Marcos, at the SONA, fired shots at those involved in anomalies in flood projects, the stability of Romualdez’ and Escudero’s leadership was already fragile.
At the House, the biggest number of minority and independent congressmen has assembled, with 34 lawmakers who voted against or abstained, signaling the end of “quiet compliance,” as eloquently framed by minority stalwart Rep. Leila de Lima.
Escudero’s leadership is similarly tenuous with the formation of a powerful minority bloc that includes two former Senate presidents — Tito Sotto and Juan Miguel Zubiri, who still command respect in the chamber.
The Supreme Court’s voiding of the impeachment case against Vice President Sara Duterte has effectively rendered Escudero useless to the Duterte bloc and their benefactors. The faster they realize they don’t need Escudero as Sara’s shield, the faster new Senate alliances will emerge.
With the President’s allies in both houses under constant threat, his declaration of war against corrupt allies could be a political firestorm a-brewing. His so-called allies have survived presidents and political and economic downturns. The wealth and power they have accumulated through the years, and their arrogance, may just be enough to sustain a war against him.
The President may have to push back or dial down his rhetoric to avoid embarrassment should his crusade crumble. This is not in defense of the hooligans but a bid to preserve the Republic.
By declaring an all-out war, the chief executive may have demonstrated courage but at the expense of stability.
He may have to learn the hard way that when you declare war on your friends, you will find yourself surrounded by enemies who will taunt you — “bring it on.”
