National freedom: Use it or lose it

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THERE was no Republic of the Philippines in 1521. What there was (among others) in June of that year: “We found a large island, where rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half cubit long and as thick as one’s arm (they are excellent, and certain others are one span and less in length and are much better than all the others), coconuts, potatoes, sugar cane, and roots resembling turnips in taste are found, and rice cooked under the fire in bamboos or in wood (this kind lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots). We could well call that land ‘the promised land’ because we suffered great hunger before we found it. We were often on the point of abandoning the ships and going ashore in order that we might not die of hunger. The king made peace with us by cutting himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives and, upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and a longitude of 171 and one-third degrees from the line of demarcation and is called Palawan.” [Journal of Antonio Pigafetta. May 4-June 20, 1521]

Promised land indeed. Pueblo Filipino came into being in the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, 12 June 1898, “by virtue of, a Decree issued by the Egregious Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy.” This entity “ceased to have any allegiance to the Crown of Spain” but in the same breath was “under the protection of the Powerful and Humanitarian Nation, the United States of America.” [Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Acta de la proclamación de la independencia del pueblo Filipino] Those proceedings (which included the presentation of the National Flag whose “colors of Blue, Red, and White, commemorating the flag of the United States of North America, as a manifestation of our profound gratitude towards this Great Nation for its disinterested protection which it lent us and continues lending us”) featured the attendance of one “stranger” — “a citizen of the USA, Mr. L. M. Johnson, a Colonel of Artillery.”

But one year later, Pueblo Filipino was under heavy Yankee-Dixie assault: “The monitor Monterey (flagship for the attacking boats), cruisers Helena and gunboats ‘Princeton’ and ‘Calao’ did the heavy firing. One or two launches hugged the shore & peppered the coast.” [Diary of John E.T. Milsaps, Tuesday, June 13, 1899] “Our Batt’n left in Las Pinas as a reserve – heavy battle all day 2 miles south of us on the Zapote River where insurgents have a magnificent line of entrenchments. Lt. Avery & 13 of our men were wounded – 7 killed. 21st. 9th. & 12th. also lost severely but insurgents position taken with heavy loss for them.” [Diary of Captain William Herman Wilhelm, Company B, 21st U.S. Infantry. https://philippinediaryproject.com/1899/06/13/tuesday-june-13-1899/]

‘That Republic went through 14 national elections, two EDSA People Power outpourings, a score of coups and pronunciamientos…’

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This Pueblo Filipino then became a colony of the Commonwealth under the USA. It was holding such a status when the Pacific War broke out, embroiling the Filipinos in the United Nations crusade against fascism. Swathes in the Archipelago were occupied by the Japanese Imperial Army. Even with the Bataan Death March, thousands of Filipinos refused to surrender, morphing into partisan warfare, with some guerrilla units commanded by Americans left behind: “[William Knortz] He was a fearless fighter when meeting the Japanese and square, firm dealer in organizing recalcitrant guerrilla groups.” [Diary of Wendell Fertig, June 13, 1943]

The Japanese fascists had their own plan for Pueblo Filipino: “Rumors have it that Premier Tojo, in his speech at the opening of the Diet, would promise Independence to the Philippines within 1943, and that the Filipino mission would be present in the Assembly. Up to now, the granting of Independence is still subject to the condition ‘when the Filipinos give proof of sincere collaboration with Japan.’ The required collaboration has not become clearer now than it was six months ago when this condition was given.” [Diary of Juan Labrador, O.P., June 17, 1943] Tokyo’s scheme (which would include Manila’s membership in the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere) was later belied by the Japanese Rape of Manila, among others, and Hirohito’s “sacred” war would culminate in mushroom clouds over Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

As the Hunters-ROTC guerrillas and their American allies liberated Fort McKinley in February of 1945, Sergio Osmeña, President of the Philippines, announced the re-establishment of the Commonwealth Government of the Philippines in Manila: “This is a historic event in a historic city. From the time our Malay ancestors founded it more than eight centuries ago, colonial powers have fought for its conquest and domination. The Spaniards, the Dutch, the English, a Chinese pirate, our revolutionary fathers, have all vied with each other and shed blood for its possession; because its conquest has always meant the ultimate control of the entire archipelago. But today’s event is different from any of the previous conquests and victories. The present victory of American arms is not a victory for power, control or domination, but a victory for freedom, democracy and independence.”

This Commonwealth would graduate into the postwar Republic of the Philippines and by 1953 the President wielded his power to fix the ceiling prices of Japanese sardines via Executive Order No. 600.

That Republic went through 14 national elections, two EDSA People Power outpourings, a score of coups and pronunciamientos, a Bolshevist insurgency, a domestic War on Drugs, and a Global War on Terror, even as it confronts Moro alburutos, jihadist terrorism and a Maoist insurgency. That Republic today can afford to receive the Philippine National Day greetings of the US Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken: “The United States cherishes the partnerships we have developed across so many fields, including fostering inclusive and broad-based prosperity, investing in the clean energy transition, upholding international peace and stability, and so much more. We have accomplished much together, and I am confident we will continue to collaboratively confront the most pressing regional and global challenges.”

That Republic ought to be mature enough to function in a multipolar world: President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. had told the recently-appointed Filipino ambassadors (Permanent Representative of the Philippines to the United Nations Carlos Sorreta, Henry Bensurto Jr. (Turkey), Renato Pedro Villa (Saudi Arabia), Raul Hernandez (Oman), Paul Raymund Cortez (Portugal), Josel Ignacio (India) and Maria Angela Ponce (Malaysia) to look for “non-traditional” partners in the areas of trade and security and defense. [https://www.pna.gov.ph/articles/1203097] That Republic should “never again to be subservient to any external force that directs or determines our destiny.” [https://pco.gov.ph/presidential-speech/speech-by-president-ferdinand-r-marcos-jr-at-the-125th-anniversary-of-philippine-independence-and-nationhood-kalayaan-kinabukasan-kasaysayan/]

That Republic was also “amongst the first to welcome and embrace the US-led Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) because, at the outset, we found that our values aligned with the principles underpinning the United States’ vision for the IPEF — that of transparency, of fairness, competitiveness, of inclusiveness, sustainability, and resilience.” [https://pco.gov.ph/presidential-speech/policy-speech-by-president-ferdinand-r-marcos-jr-at-the-csis-asean-leadership-forum/]

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